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Supreme Court Judgments & case laws in India → Kesavananda Bharati vs State Of Kerala And ors → Kesavananda Bharati vs State Of Kerala And ors
793. Mr. Palkhivala contends that the unamended Article 368 was subject to Article 13(2). It is said that amendment of the Constitution is law, and, therefore, any law which contravenes fundamental rights is void. It is also said that Article 368 does not prevail over or override Article 13. The four bars under Article 13 are said to be these. The bar is imposed against the State, that is to say the totality of all the forces of the State. Second, all categories of law are covered by the bar, whether they are Constitutional amendments or bye-laws or executive Orders and Notifications. Third, all laws in force under Article 372 and all laws to be brought into force at any future date are brought within the scope of this bar. Fourth, the effect of the bar is to render the law void.
794. Mr. Palkhivala said that the preamble makes it clear that the object of the Constitution is to secure basic human freedom, and this guarantee will be meaningless if the Legislature against whom the guarantee is to operate is at liberty to abrogate the guarantees. It is said that law is comprehensive enough to include both ordinary law and Constitutional law. The various forms of oath in the Third Schedule of the Constitution refer to "Constitution as by law established". It is, therefore, submitted by the petitioner that the Constitution itself was originally established by law and every amendment has likewise to be established by law in order to take effect. It is emphasised that the Constitutional amendment is a law, and, therefore, the word "law" in Article 13(2) includes Constitutional amendments.
795. The Attorney General and Mr. Seervai said that the Constitution is the supreme higher law. An amendment to the Constitution is in exercise of constituent power. The amending power is not a legislative power. Law in Article 13(2) embodies the doctrine of ultra vires to render void any law enacted under the Constitution.
796. This Court in Shankari Prasad Singh Deo v. Union of India and State of Bihar (1952) S.C.R. 89 and Sajjan Singh v. State of Rajasthan (1965) 1 S.C.R. 933 examined the power to amend the Constitution.
797. In Shankari Prasad case the Constitution First Amendment Act was challenged. The principal contention was that the First Amendment in so far as it purported to take away or abridge the rights conferred by Part III of the Constitution fell within the prohibition of Article 13(2) of the Constitution.
798. The unanimous view of this Court in Shankari Prasad case was that although law must ordinarily include Constitutional law there is a clear demarcation between ordinary law which is made in exercise of legislative power and Constitutional law which is made in exercise of constituent power. In the absence of a clear indication to the contrary it is difficult to hold that the framers of the Constitution intended to make the fundamental rights immune of Constitutional amendment The terms of Article 368 are general to empower Parliament to amend the Constitution without any exception. Article 13(2) construed in the context of Article 13 means that law in Article 13(2) would be relateable to exercise of ordinary legislative power and not amendment to the Constitution.
799. The Constitution Fourth Amendment Act came into existence on 5 October, 1963. The Constitution Seventeenth Amendment Act came into force on 20 June, 1964. By the Seventeenth Amendment Act Article 31A Clause (1) was amended by inserting one more proviso. A fresh Sub-clause (a) was substituted for original Sub-clause (a) of Clause (2) of Article 31 retrospectively. 44 Acts were added in the Ninth Schedule. The validity of the Seventeenth Amendment was challenged before this Court in Sajjan Singh case.
800. The main contention in Sajjan Singh case was that the power prescribed by Article 226 was likely to be affected by the Seventeenth Amendment, and, therefore, it was necessary that the special procedure laid down in the proviso to Article 368 should have been followed. The Seventeenth Amendment Act was said to be invalid because that procedure was not followed.
801. The majority view of this Court in Sajjan Singh case was that Article 368 plainly and unambiguously meant amendment of all the provisions of the Constitution. The word "law" in Article 13(2) was held not to take in the Constitution Amendment Acts passed under Article 368. It was also said that fundamental rights in Article 19 could be regulated as specified in Clauses (2) to (6) and, therefore, it could not be said to have been assumed by the Constitution makers that fundamental rights were static and incapable of expansion. It was said that the concept of public interest and other important considerations which are the basis of Clauses (2) to (6) in Article 19 "may change and may even expand". The majority view said that "The Constitution makers knew that Parliament could be competent to make amendments in those rights (meaning thereby fundamental rights) so as to meet the challenge of the problem which may arise in the course of socio economic progress and the development of the country".
802. The minority view in Sajjan Singh case doubted the correctness of the unanimous view in Shankari Prasad case. The doubt was on a question as to whether fundamental rights could be abridged by exercise of power under Article 368. The minority view in Sajjan Singh case was that the rights of society are made paramount and are placed above those of the individual. But the minority view was also that though fundamental rights could be restricted under Clause (2) to (6) of Article 19 there could be no "removal or debilitation" of such rights.
803. In Golak Nath case the Punjab Security of Land Tenures Act, 1953 was challenged as violative of fundamental rights and as not being protected by the Constitution First Amendment Act, 1951, the Constitution Fourth Amendment Act, 1955 and the Constitution Seventeenth Amendment Act, 1964. The validity of the Mysore Reforms Act, 1962 as amended by Act 14 of 1965 was also challenged on the same grounds. The Punjab Act and the Mysore Act were included in the Ninth Schedule. It was common case that if the Seventeenth Amendment Act adding the Punjab Act and the Mysore Act in the Ninth Schedule was valid the two Acts could not be impugned on any ground.
804. The majority decision of this Court in Golak Nath case was that an amendment of the Constitution was law within the meaning of Article 13(2). There were two reasonings in the majority view arriving at the same conclusion. The majority view where Subba Rao, C.J., spoke was as follows: The power to amend the Constitution is derived from Articles 245, 246 and 248 of the Constitution and not from Article 368. Article 368 deals only with procedure. Amendment is a legislative process. Amendment is law within the meaning of Article 13. Therefore, if an amendment takes away or abridges rights conferred by Part III of the Constitution it is void. The Constitution First Amendment Act, the Constitution Fourth Amendment Act and the Constitution Seventeenth Amendment Act abridged the scope of fundamental rights. On the basis of earlier decisions of this Court the Constitution Amendment Acts were declared to be valid. On the application of the doctrine of prospective over-ruling the amendments will continue to be valid. Parliament will have no power from the date of this decision (meaning thereby the decision in Golak Nath case) to amend any of the provisions of Part III of the Constitution so as to take away or abridge the fundamental rights. The Constitution Seventeenth Amendment Act holds the field. Therefore, the Punjab Act and the Mysore Act cannot be questioned.
805. The concurring majority view of Hidayatullah, J. was this. The fundamental rights are outside the amendatory process if the amendment seeks to abridge or take away any of the rights. The First, the Fourth and the Seventh Amendment Acts being Part of the Constitution by acquiescence for a long time cannot be chellenged. These Constitution Amendment Acts contain authority for the Seventeenth Amendment Act. Any further inroad into fundamental lights as they exist on the date of the decision will be illegal and unConstitutional unless it complies with Part III in general and Article 13(2) in particular. The constituent body will have to be Convened for abridging or taking away fundamental rights. The Punjab Act and the Mysore Act are valid not because they are included in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution but because they are protected by Article 31A and the assent of the President.
806. The two views forming the majority arrived at the same conclusion that an amendment of the Constitution being law within the meaning of Article 13(2) would be unConstitutional if such an amendment abridged any fundamental right. The leading majority view did not express any final opinion as to whether fundamental rights could be abridged by Parliament exercising its residuary power and calling a Constituent Assembly "for making a new Constitution or radically changing it". The concurring majority view held that the fundamental rights could be abridged by suitably amending Article 368 to convoke Constituent Assembly. The concurring majority view was that a Constituent Assembly could be called by passing a law under Entry 97 of List I and then that Assembly would be able to abridge or take away fundamental rights.
807. The minority view of five learned Judges expressed in 3 judgments as against the majority view of six learned Judges in Golak Nath case was this.
808. Wanchoo, J. spoke for himself and two concurring learned Judges as follows. Article 368 contains both the power and the procedure for amendment of the Constitution. It is incomprehensible that the residuary power of Parliament will apply to amendment of the Constitution when the procedure for amendment speaks of amendment by ratification by the States. When an entire part of the Constitution is devoted to amendment it will be more appropriate to read Article 368 as containing the power to amend because there is no specific mention of amendment in Article 248 or in any Entry of List I. The Constitution is the fundamental law and without express power to affect change legislative power cannot effect any change in the Constitution. Legislative Acts are passed under the power conferred by the Constitution. Article 245 which gives power to make law for the whole or any part of India is subject to the provisions of the Constitution. If, however, power to amend is in Article 248 read with the residuary Entry in List I that power is to be exercised subject to the Constitution and it cannot change the Constitution which is the fundamental law. It is because of the difference between the fundamental law and the legislative power under the Constitution that the power to amend cannot be located in the Residuary Entry which is law making power under the Constitution.
809. Article 368 confers power on Parliament subject to the procedure provided therein for amendment of any provision of the Constitution, It is impossible to introduce in the concept of amendment, any idea of improvement. The word "amendment" must be given its full meaning. This means that, by amendment an existing Constitution or law can be changed. This change can take the form either of addition to the existing provisions, or alteration of existing provisions and their substitution by others or deletion of certain provisions altogether. An amendment of the Constitution is not an ordinary law made under the powers conferred under Chapter I of Part XI of the Constitution, and therefore, it cannot be subject to Article 13(2). It is strange that the power conferred by Article 368 will be limited by putting an interpretation on the word "law" in Article 13(2) which will include Constitutional law also. The possibility of the abuse of any power has no relevance in considering the question about the existence of the power itself. The power of amendment is the safety valve which to a large extent provides for stable growth and makes violent revolution more or less unnecessary.
810. The two other supporting minority views were these. Bachawat, J. arrived at these conclusions. No limitation on the amending power can be gathered from the language of Article 368. Therefore, each and every part of the Constitution may be amended under Article 368. The distinction between the Constitution and the laws is so fundamental that the Constitution is not regarded as a law or a legislative Act. It is because a Constitution Amendment Act can amend the Constitution that it is not a law and Article 368 avoids all reference to law making by Parliament. As soon as a Bill is passed in conformity with Article 368 the Constitution stands amended in accordance with the terms of the Bill. Amendment or change in certain Articles does not mean necessarily improvement.
811. Ramaswami, J. expressed these views. The definition of law in Article 13(3) does include in terms a Constitutional amendment though it includes any ordinance, order, bye-law, rule, regulation, notification, custom or usage. The language of Article 368 is perfectly general and empowers Parliament to amend the Constitution without any exception whatever. If it had been intended by the Constitution makers that the fundamental righto guaranteed under Part III should be completely outside the scope of Article 368 it is reasonable to assume that they would have made an express provision to that effect. The expression "fundamental" does not lift the fundamental rights above the Constitution itself. In a matter of Constitutional amendment it is not permissible to assume that there will be abuse of power and then utilise it as a test for finding out the scope of amending power.
812. The majority view in Golak Nath case was that an amendment of the Constitution pursuant to Article 368 is law within the meaning of Article 13(2), and, therefore, an amendment of the Constitution abridging fundamental rights will be void. The majority view was on the basis that there was conflict between Article 13(2) and Article 368 and this basis was the result of the nature and quality of fundamental rights in the scheme of the Constitution.
813. It is, therefore, to be seen at the threshold as to whether there is any conflict between Article 13(2) and Article 368, namely, whether amendment of Constitution is law within the meaning of law in Article 13(2). Article 368 provides in clear and unambiguous terms that an amendment bill after compliance with the procedure stated therein and upon the President giving assent to such bill the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the terms of the bill. This Constitutional mandate does not admit or provide any scope for any conflict with any other Article of the Constitution. This is the fundamental law. No other Article of the Constitution has limited its scope. The moment the President gives his assent to an amendment bill the amendment becomes a part of the Constitution. There cannot be a law before the assent of the President. Therefore, the validity of any such supposed law cannot arise. An amendment of the Constitution becomes a part of the fundamental law. The legality of an amendment is no more open to attack than of the Constitution itself. The opening part of amended Article 368, viz., "An Amendment of this Constitution may be initiated" and its concluding part before the proviso, viz., "The Constitution shall stand amended" show clearly that the whole Constitution can be amended and no part of the Constitution is excluded from the amendment. Herein lies the vital distinction between the Constitution and the ordinary law.
814. The distinction lies in the criterion of validity. The validity of an ordinary law can be questioned. When it is questioned it must be justified by reference to a higher law. In the case of the Constitution the validity is inherent and lies within itself. The validity of Constitutional law cannot be justified by reference to another higher law. Every legal rule or norm owes its validity to some higher legal rule or norm. The Constitution is the basic norm. The Constitution generates its own validity. It is valid because it exists. The Constitution is binding because it is the Constitution. Any other law is binding only if and in so far as it is in conformity with the Constitution. The validity of the Constitution lies in the social fact of its acceptance by the community. The Constitutional rules are themselves the basic rules of the legal system. The Constitution prevails over any other form of law not because of any provision to that effect either in the Constitution or else where but because of the underlying assumption to that effect by the community. If Parliament passes a law under any of the items in the Union List abridging a fundamental right and also provides in that law itself that it shall not be invalid notwithstanding anything in Article 13 or Part III of the Constitution, yet the law made by Parliament will be invalid to the extent of its inconsistency with Part III of the Constitution. It will be invalid because Article 13 occurs in the Constitution which is supreme. The impugned Act cannot enact that it will be valid notwithstanding the Constitution.
815. The real distinction is that Constitutional law is the source of all legal validity and is itself always valid. Ordinary law on the other hand must derive its validity from a higher legal source, which is ultimately the Constitution. Law in Article 13(2) of the Constitution could only mean that law which needs validity from a higher source and which can and ought to be regarded as invalid when it comes in conflict with higher law. It cannot possibly include a law which is self validating and which is never invalid. The definition of law in Article 13 enumerates more or less exhaustively all forms of law which need validation from higher source and which are invalid when they are in conflict with the Constitution. The definition does not mention Constitutional amendment. It is because an amendment being the Constitution itself can never be invalid. An amendment is made if the procedure is complied with. Once the procedure is complied with it is a part of the Constitution,
816. The expression "law" has been used in several Articles in Part III of the Constitution. These are Articles 17, 19 Clauses (2) to (6), 21, 22, 25, 26, 31, 33, 34 and
35. To illustrate, Article 17 states that untouchability is abolished and its practice in any form is forbidden. Article 17 also states that the enforcement of any disability arising out of untouchability shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law. The word "law" in Article 17 does not mean the Constitution. The Constitution leaves the matter of enforcement and punishment to law.
817. The foundation of the majority view in Golak Nath case that Article 13(2) takes in Constitutional law within its purview is that an amendment is a legislative process and is an exercise of legislative power. The majority relied on the decision in McCawley v. The King (1920) A.C. 691 and the Bribery Commissioner v. Pedrick Ranasinghe 1965 A.C. 172 in support of the view that there is no distinction between ordinary legislation and Constitutional amendment. The basis of the unanimous decision in Shankari Prasad case was on the distinction between legislative power and the constituent power. Therefore, the majority view in Golak Nath case overruled the view in Shankari Prasad case. Article 13(2) expressly declares that law taking away or abridging the rights conferred by Part III shall be void. This principle embodies the doctrine of ultra vires in a written Constitution. The observation of Kania, C.J. in A.K. Gopalan v. The State of Madras 1950 S.C.R. 88 that Article 13(2) was introduced ex majore cautela because even if Article 13 were not there any law abridging or taking away fundamental rights would be void to the extent of contravention or repugnancy with fundamental rights in Part III refers to the doctrine of ultra vires which is a necessary implication of our Constitution. Therefore, there is no distinction between Article 13(2) which expressly affirms the doctrine of ultra vires and the necessary implication of the doctrine of ultra vires which has been applied to every part of our Constitution. If the express doctrine of ultra vires prevented an amendment of Part III of the 'Constitution contrary to its terms, equally an amendment of other parts of the Constitution contrary to their terms would be prevented by the implied doctrine of ultra vires. The result would be that an amendment of the Constitution which contravened the terms of the existing Constitution would be void. This would result in absurdity. That is why Article 368 expressly provides for the amendment of the Constitution.
818. Mr. Palkhivala on behalf of the petitioner submitted that Constitution amendment was law, within Article 13(2) and was void to the extent to which it contravened the fundamental rights and Article 368 did not prevail over or override Article 13 for these reasons. Reference was made to the form of oath in the Third Schedule which uses the words "Constitution as by law established". This is said to mean that our Constitution was originally established by law and, therefore, every amendment thereto was likewise to be established by law. Article 13(1) is also said to cover Constitutional law because though Article 395 repealed the Indian Independence Act, 1947 and the Government of India Act 1935 the Constitutional laws of the Indian Princely States or some other Constitutional laws of British India were in existence. Therefore, the word "Law" in Article 13(2) will also include Constitutional law. The word "law" in Article 13(2) will in its ordinary sense embrace Constitutional law, and there is no reason for reading the word "law", in a restricted sense to confine it to ordinary laws. The real question is not whether there are any words of limitation in Articles 368 but whether there are any words of limitation in Article 13(2). It was amplified to mean if a limitation has to be read in either of the two Articles 368 and 13(2) there is no reason why it should be read in such a way as to enable parliament to take away or abridge fundamental rights.
819. In Article 368 the word "law" is not used at all. Consequently the language of Article 368 raises no question about the applicability of Article 13(2). It is inconceivable that Constitutional laws of Indian Princely States or Constitutional laws of British India exist as Constitutional laws after the coming into existence of our Constitution. Our Constitution is the only fundamental law. All other laws which continue under our Constitution are ordinary laws. The fundamental error in including amendment of the Constitution in law under Article 13(2) is by overlooking the vital difference between the constituent and the legislative powers and in wrongly equating these powers. The definition of "State" in Article 12 includes Parliament. Part V of the Constitution contains provisions relating to the powers of the three organs of the Union Government. Chapter II of Part V relates to the legislative power of Parliament. Under Article 79 Parliament is the Union Legislature provided for by the Constitution. Therefore, law in Article 13(2) must mean a law of Parliament functioning under Chapter II of Part V. It cannot mean the Constitution itself or an amendment of the Constitution. The reason is that the Constitution with its amendment is the supreme authority and the three organs of the State derive their powers from this supreme authority.
820. The word "law" when used in relation to Constitutional law which is fundamental law and ordinary law is not a mere homonym. If the word "law" here is not a mere homonym then it is a mistake to think that all the instances to which it is applied must possess either a single quality or a single set of qualities in common. There is some general test or criterion whereby the rules of the fundamental law or the rules of the system of ordinary laws are tested and identified. When the word "law" is spoken in connection with Constitutional law it cannot have the same meaning as ordinary law. It is not arbitrary to use the word "law" in relation to Constitutional law in spite of its difference from ordinary law.
821. Mr. Palkhivala contended that Constitutional laws of Princely States and of British India prior to our Constitution survived as laws in force under Article 372. Article 372 became necessary to make a provision similar to Section 292 of the Government of India Act, 1935 following the repeal of the 1935 Act and the Indian Independence Act, 1947. The purpose of Article 372 is to negative the possibility of any existing law in India being held to be no longer in force by reason of the repeal of the law authorising its enactment. A saving clause of the type of Article 372 is put in to avoid challenge to laws made under the repealed Constitution. The total volume of law in the then British India had the legal authority up to 14 August 1947 by reason of the Government of India Act 1935. The Government of India Act 1935 with adaptations and the Indian Independence Act 1947 preserved the authority of those laws upto 25 January 1950. In so far as it is indisputable that the Government of India Act, 1935 and the Indian Independence Act, 1947 were repealed, the repeal of those Acts was repeal of the Constitutional law represented by those Acts. By our Constitution there was a repeal of all other Constitutional laws operating in our country. There was repeal of "Constitution" in Princely States.
822. A distinction arises between the provisions of a Constitution which are described as Constitutional law and provisions of a statute dealing with a statute which is treated to have Constitutional aspects. An example of the latter type is a statute which provides for the judicature. Mr. Seervai rightly said that the two distinct senses of Constitutional law are mixed up in the contention of Mr. Palkhivala. In the first sense, Constitutional law is applicable to a provision of the Constitution, and in the second sense, to a law enacted under the Constitution dealing with certain classes of subject matter. Laws of the second class fluctuate. An amendment of the Constitution becomes a part of the Constitution itself. Mr. Seervail rightly contended that in order to show that law in Article 13(2) includes amendment of the Constitution it is also necessary to show that the expression "laws in force" in Article 13(1) includes Constitution amendment or the Constitution itself It is impossible to accept the submission that the word "law" in Article 13(2) includes the Constitution. The Constitution itself cannot include the Constitution. It is the Constitution which continues the laws in force. Therefore, law in Article 13 is law other than the Constitution and a fortiori it is other than amendment to the Constitution.
823. In non-British territory on the Constitution coming into force the Constitution of Princely States lost its character as Constitutional law in the strict sense. It is in that strict sense that Wanchoo, J. rightly said in Golak Nath case that on our Constitution coming into existence no other Constitutional law survived. Article 393 of our Constitution says that the Constitution may be called the "Constitution of India". The Preamble recites that the People in the Constituent Assembly gave this Constitution meaning thereby the Constitution of India. Therefore, the people gave themselves no other Constitution. All other laws whatever their previous status as strict Constitutional law became subordinate laws subject to the provisions of our Constitution and this position is clear from the language of Article 372.
824. In a broad sense law may include the Constitution and the law enacted by the legislature. There is however a clear demarcation between ordinary law in exercise of legislative power and Constitutional law which is made in exercise of constituent power. Therefore, a power to amend the Constitution is different from the power to amend ordinary law. It was said by Mr. Palkhivala that legislative power is power to make law and constituent power is the power to make or amend Constitutional law and since law in its ordinary sense, includes Constitutional law the legislative power is the genus of which the constituent power is the species. The difference between legislative and constituent power in a flexible or uncontrolled Constitution is conceptual depending upon the subject matter. A Dog Act in England is prima facie made in exercise of legislative power. The Bill of Rights was made in the exercise of constituent power as modifying the existing Constitutional arrangement But this conceptual difference does not produce different legal consequences, since the provisions of a Dog Act inconsistent with the earlier provisions of the Bill of Rights would repeal those provisions pro tanto. In a rigid or controlled Constitution the distinction between legislative power and constituent power is not only conceptual but material and vital in introducing legal consequences. In a controlled Constitution it is not correct to say that legislative power is the genus of which constituent power is the species. The question immediately arises as to what the differentia is which distinguishes that species from other species of the same genus. It would be correct to say that the law making power is the genus of which legislative power and constituent power are the species. The differentia is found in the different procedure prescribed for the exercise of constituent power as distinguished from that prescribed for making ordinary laws. The distinction between legislative power and constituent power is vital in a rigid or controlled Constitution, because it is that distinction which brings in the doctrine that a law ultra vires the Constitution is void, since the Constitution is the touchstone of validity and that no provision of the Constitution can be ultra vires.
825. The legislatures constituted under our Constitution have the power to enact laws on the topics indicated in Lists I to III in the Seventh Schedule or embodied specifically in certain provisions of the Constitution. The power to enact laws carries with it the power to amend or repeal them. But these powers of legislatures do not include any power to amend the Constitution, because it is the Constituent Assembly which enacted the Constitution and the status given by Article 368 to Parliament and the State legislatures, is the status of a Constituent Assembly. The distinction between the power to amend the Constitution and the ordinary power to enact laws is fundamental to all federal Constitution. When Parliament is engaged in the amending process it is not legislating. It is exercising a particular power which is sui generis bestowed upon it by the amending clause in the Constitution. Thus an amendment of the Constitution under Article 368 is constituent law and not law within the meaning of Article 13(2) and law as defined in Article 13(3)(a).
826. The procedure that Bill for amendment of the Constitution has to be introduced in either House of Parliament and passed by both Houses does not alter the status of Parliament to amend the Constitution as a Constituent Assembly and does not assimilate it to that of the Union legislature. At this stage it may be stated that in Shankari Prasad case it was said that law in general sense may include the Constitution and the procedure of amendment is assimilated to ordinary legislative procedure. Assimilation of procedure does not make both the procedure same. Nor are the two separate powers to be lost sight of. The Constituent Assembly which has summoned on 19 December, 1946 to frame a Constitution was also invested after independence with legislative power. It framed the Constitution as the Constituent Assembly. It enacted ordinary laws as legislature. Under Article V of the American Constitution the Congress functions not as a legislature but as a Constituent Assembly. In Australia when a Bill for amendment has to be passed by Commonwealth Parliament and then has to be submitted to the verdict of the electorate the process is not ordinary legislative process of the Commonwealth Parliament. In our Constitution when the amendment falls within the proviso to Article 368 it requires that the amendment must be ratified by at least one half of the State legislatures and the process is radically different from ordinary legislative procedure. The Union legislature acting under Chapter II of Part V has no connection with the State legislatures. Therefore, when amendment is affected under the proviso to Article 368 Parliament does not act as a Union legislature. The feature that in the passage of the bill for amendment of the Constitution the House of Parliament has to adopt the procedure for ordinary legislation has little bearing. If the intention of the framers of the Constitution was to leave to the Union legislature the power to effect amendments of the Constitution it would have been sufficient to insert a provision in Chapter II of Part V in that behalf without enacting a separate part and inserting a provision therein for amendment of the Constitution.
827. Under Clause (e) of Article 368 the Article itself can be amended. Therefore, an amendment of Article 368 providing that provisions in Part III can be amended will be Constitutional. If it was intended by Article 13(2) to exclude Part III altogether from the operation of Article 368 Clause (e) would not have been enacted. The Constituent Assembly thus enacted Article 368 so that the power to amend should not be too rigid nor too flexible. Clause (s) of Article 368 requires an amendment to be ratified by not less than half the number of States. The title of Part XX and the opening words of Article 368 show that a provision is being made for "amendment of this Constitution" which in its ordinary sense means every part of the Constitution. This would include Article 368 itself. There is no limitation imposed upon or deception made to the amendments which can be made. It is not permissible to add to Article 368 words of limitation which are not there.
828. The initiative for an amendment of the Constitution is with Parliament and not with the States. A bill for amendment is to be introduced in either House of Parliament. Again, a bill must be passed by each House by not less than two thirds of the members present and voting, the requisite quorum in each House being a majority of its total membership. In cases coming under the proviso the amendment must be ratified by the legislatures of not less than half the number of States. Ordinary legislative process is very different; A bill initiating a law may be passed by majority of members present and voting at a sitting of each House and at a joint sitting of House, the quorum for the meeting of either House being one tenth of the total members of the House.
829. The legislative procedure is prescribed in Articles 107 to 111 read with Article 100. Article 100 states "save as otherwise provided in the Constitution all questions at any sitting of either House or joint sitting shall be determined by a majority of votes of the members present and voting". Though Article 368 falls into two parts of the Article is one integral whole as is clear from the words "the amendment shall also require to be ratified". The first part of Article 368 requires that a bill must be passed in each House (1) by majority of the total membership of that House and (2) by a majority of not less than two thirds of the members of that House present and voting. These provisions rule out a joint sitting of either House under Article 108 to resolve the disagreement between the two Houses. Again the majority required to pass a bill in each House is not a majority of members of that House present and voting as in Article 100 but a majority of the total membership of each House and a majority of not less than two thirds of the members of that House present and voting. These provisions are not only important safeguards when amending the Constitution, but also distinguishing features of Constituent power as opposed to legislative power. Under the first part of unamended Article 368 when a bill is passed by requisite majority of each House the bill must be presented for the President's assent.
830. Parliament's power to enact laws is not dependent on State legislature, nor can it be frustrated by a majority of State legislatures. The provisions in the proviso to Article 368 for ratification by the legislatures of the State constitute a radical departure from the ordinary legislative process of Parliament, State legislative process of ratification cannot possibly be equated with ordinary legislative process. If the bill is not ratified the bill fails. If it is ratified it is to be presented to the President for his assent. If the President assents the procedure prescribed by Article 368 gomes to an end and the consequence prescribed comes into operation that the Constitution shall stand amended in accordance with the bill. But the result is not law, but a part of the Constitution and no court can pronounce any part of the Constitution to be invalid.
831. The exercise of the power of ratification by the State legislatures is constituent power and not ordinary law making power. It cannot be said that Article 368 confers constituent power under its proviso but not under the main part. If the procedure has been followed the invalidity of an amendment cannot arise.
832. The provisions in Articles 4, 169, paragraph 7(2) of the Fifth Schedule and paragraph 21(2) of the Sixth Schedule were referred to for the purpose of showing that the word "law" is used in those provisions relating to amendments to the Constitution. It is, therefore, said that similar result will follow in the case of all amendments. These four provisions confer on Parliament limited power of amendment. There are two features common to all these provisions. First, they confer on Parliament a power to make a law which inter alia provides for the specific class of amendments. Second, each of these provisions states that "no such law as aforesaid shall be deemed to be an amendment of the Constitution for the purpose of Article 368". The power to amend under any of these four provisions is a specific power for specific amendments and not a legislative power contained in the Legislative List or Residuary Legislative List.
833. The amendment under Article 4 follows a law providing for the formation of new States and alteration of areas, boundaries and names of existing States. It is obligatory on Parliament to make amendment of Schedules 1 and 4 and it is necessary to make amendments which are supplemental, incidental and consequential. In making such a law in so far as it affects the State but not Union territory a special procedure has to be followed.
834. Under Article 169 which provides for the abolition or creation of a State legislative Council Parliament has power to make a necessary law on a resolution being passed by the State Legislative Assembly for such abolition or creation by a majority of the membership of the Assembly and by majority of not less than two thirds of the members present and voting. It Parliament makes such a law that law must make the necessary amendments to the Constitution.
835. Schedules 5 and 6 provide for the administration of the Scheduled and Tribal areas which are governed by Part X and not by Part XI by which the Union and States are governed. The Scheduleds provide a mode of governance of those areas which is radically different from the Government of the States and the Union. Part X of the Constitution unlike Part XI is not "subject to the provisions of this Constitution". Paragraph 7 of Schedule 5 and paragraph 21 of Schedule 6 confer on Parliament a power to amend the schedules by law but no special procedure is prescribed for making such a law.
836. No question relating to those four provisions, however arises in the present case. In Article 368 the word "law" is not based at all. These four provisions for amendment deal with matters in respect of which it was considered desirable not to impose requirements of Article 368, and, therefore, it became necessary expressly to provide that such amendments shall not be deemed to be amendments of the Constitution for the purpose of Article 368. These four provisions indicate the distinction between the constituent power and the legislative power. If the power of amendment was located in the residuary Entry No. 97 in the Union List it would not have been necessary to grant that power of amendment again in these four provisions. These four provisions indicate that the Constitution makers intended to confer on Parliament power to make amendments in the provisions of the Constitution and having provided for a particular procedure to be followed in respect of matters covered by those four provisions it conferred a general power on Parliament to make an amendment to the other Articles after complying with the requirements of Article 368.
837. The majority view in Golak Nath case said that Parliament could call a Constituent Assembly either directly under the residuary power or pass a law under the Residuary Entry to call a Constituent Assembly for amendment of fundamental rights. Of the two views forming the majority one view did not express any opinion as to whether such a Constituent Assembly could take away or abridge fundamental rights but the other view expressed the opinion that such a Constituent Assembly could abridge fundamental rights. The majority view in Golak Nath case was that Parliament is a constituted body and not a constituent body and a constituted body cannot abridge or take away fundamental rights. The majority view indicates that a constituent power was required to amend the fundamental rights.
838. The majority view has totally ignored the aspect that constituent power is located in Article 368, and, therefore, amendment under the Article is not a law within the meaning of Article 13(2). If Parliament is a constituted body as was said by the majority view in Golak Nath case it would be difficult to hold that such a body could bring about a Constituent Assembly. The well-known principle that what cannot be done directly cannot be achieved indirectly will establish the basic infirmity in that majority view. If fundamental rights can be abridged by Parliament calling a Constituent Assembly under the Residuary Entry such Constituent Assembly will be a body different from Parliament and will frame its own rules of business and Article 368 cannot have any application. That will have a strange and startling result.
839. In the scheme of the Constitution containing Article 368 a Constituent Assembly will be called extra Constitutional means and not one under the Constitution. A Constitution can be amended only in accordance with the process laid down in the Constitution. No other method is Constitutionally possible than that indicated in the provision for amendment of the Constitution. Once the Constitution has vested the power to amend in the bodies mentioned therein that is the only body for amending the Constitution. The people who gave the Constitution have expressed how it is to be changed.
840. The distinction between constituent and legislative power is brought out by the feature in a rigid Constitution that the amendment is by a different procedure than that by which ordinary laws may be altered. The amending power is, therefore, said to be a re- creation of the Constituent Assembly every time Parliament amends re-creation in accordance with Article 368.
841. The two decisions in McCawley v. The King 1920 A.C. 691 and The Bribery Commissioner v. Pedrick Ranasinghe 1965 A.C. 172 on which the majority view in Golak Nath case relied to hold that amendment to the Constitution is an ordinary legislative process do not support that conclusion. The difference between flexible or uncontrolled and rigid or controlled Constitutions in regard to amendment is that there may be special methods of amendment in rigid or controlled Constitution. In a rigid Constitution amendment is not by exercise of ordinary legislative power. The power to amend is, therefore, described in a rigid Constitution as constituent power because of the nature of the power. In a flexible Constitution the procedure for amendment is the same as that of making ordinary law. A Constitution being uncontrolled the distinction between legislative and constituent powers gets obliterated because any law repugnant to the Constitution pro tanto repeals a Constitution as was held in McCawley case. Dicey in his Law of the Constitution (10th Ed.) illustrates the view by his opinion that if the Dentists Act said anything contrary to the Bill of Rights which can be described as Constitutional document the Dentists Act would prevail. In a flexible or unwritten Constitution the word Constitutional law is imprecise as it is used in respect of subject matter of law, e.g. a law dealing with the legislature. In a rigid or written Constitution whatever is in the Constitution would be the law of the Constitution.
842. In McCawley case the validity of the appointment of McCawley as a Judge of the Supreme Court of Queensland was challenged as void on the allegation that Section 6 Sub-section (6) of the Industrial Arbitration Act of 1916 was contrary to the provisions of the Constitution of Queensland 1867. The Industrial Arbitration Act of 1916 by Section 6 Sub-section (6) authorised the Governor to appoint any Judge of the Court of Industrial Arbitration to be a Judge of the Supreme Court of Queensland and provided that a Judge so appointed shall have the jurisdiction of both offices and shall hold office as a Judge of the Supreme Court during good behaviour. The sub-section further provided that Judge of the Court of Industrial Arbitration shall hold office for seven years. The Governor in Council by commission reciting Section 6 Sub-section (6) appointed McCawley who was a Judge and the President of the Court of Industrial Arbitration to be a Judge of the Supreme Court during good behaviour. By Sections 15 and 16 of the Constitution of 1867 the period during which Judges of the Supreme Court were to hold office was during good behaviour. The contention was that the appointment of McCawley under the Industrial Arbitration Act 1916 for a limited period of seven years was invalid since the Act was inconsistent with the Constitution Act 1867 and further that the Act of 1916 could not repeal or modify the provisions of the Constitution Act.
843. The Privy Council held that the Legislature of Queensland had power both under the Colonial Laws Validity Act 1865 Section 5 and apart therefrom under Clauses 2 and 22 of the Order-in-Council of 1859, Section 7 of the Act 18 & 19 Vict. c. 54 and Sections 2 and 9 of the Constitution Act of 1867 to authorise the appointment of a Judge of the Supreme Court for a limited period. Section 7 of the Act 18 & 19 Vict. c. 54 intended an order in Council to make provision for the government of the Colony and for the establishment of a legislature. The Order-in-Council 1859 by Clause 2 gave full power to the legislature of the Colony to make further provision in that behalf. The Order-in- Council of 1859 by Clause 22 gave the legislature full power and authority from time to time to make laws altering or repealing all or any of the provisions of this Order in the same manner as any other laws for the good Government of the colony.
844. Section 5 of the Colonial Laws Validity Act gave the legislature full power to alter the Constitution.
845. Section 2 of the Constitution Act of 1867 gave the legislature power to make laws for the peace, welfare and good government of the Colony. Section 9 of the Constitution required a two thirds majority of the legislative Council and Legislative Assembly as a condition precedent of the validity of legislation altering the Constitution of the Legislative Council. Section 6 Sub-section (6) which authorised an appointment as a Judge of the Supreme Court only during the period during which the person appointed was a Judge of the Court of Industrial Arbitration was found to be valid legislation. It was found that the Constitution of Queensland was a flexiable as distinct from rigid Constitution. Power to alter the Constitution by ordinary law was also said to exist both in virtue of the Colonial Laws Validity Act, 1865 Section 5 and independently of that Act in virtue of Clause 22 of the Order in Council 1859 and Sections 2 and 9 of the Constitution Act of 1867.
846. The decision in McCawlay case shows that unless there is a special procedure prescribed for amending any part of the Constitution the Constitution is uncontrolled and can be amended by the manner prescribed for enacting an ordinary law and therefore a subsequent law inconsistent with the Constitution would pro tanto repeal the Constitution. The decision also established that a Constitution largely or generally uncontrolled may contain one or more provisions which prescribe a different procedure for amending the provisions of the Constitution. If this is prescribed the procedure for amendment must be strictly followed.
847. The legislature of Queensland was found to be master of its own household except in so far as its powers were restricted in special cases. No such restriction was established in the case before the Privy Council. The legislature had plenary power there. The legislature was not required to follow any particular procedure or to comply with any specified conditions before it made any law inconsistent with any of the provisions of Constitutional document.
848. The contention of the respondent in McCawley case was that the Constitution of Queensland was controlled and that it could not be altered merely by enacting legislation inconsistent with its Articles but that it could be altered by an Act which in plain and unmistakable intention of the legislature to alter consequently gave effect to that intention by operative provisions. The Judicial Committee thought this Constitution would amount to a Constitution which was neither controlled nor uncontrolled. It was not controlled because the future generation could by a merely formal Act correct it at pleasure. It was said to be not uncontrolled because the framers prescribed to their successors a particular mode by which they are allowed to effect Constitutional changes. Section 22 of the Order in Council conferred power and authority in legislature from time to time to make laws altering or repealing all or any of the provisions of the Order in Council in the same manner as any other laws for the good government of the country. The Constitution Act of 1867 was contended to enact certain fundamental organic provisions of such a nature as to render the Constitution controlled. It was found impossible to point to any document or instruction giving or imposing on the Constitution of Queensland such a quality. The decision in McCawley case related to uncontrolled Constitution which gave the legislature full power to make laws except on one subject and, therefore, a law made by the legislature under such a Constitution could pro tanto conflict with and repeal the Constitution. That is not our Constitution.
849. In Ranasinghe case the validity of the appointment of Bribery Tribunal was challenged. The Supreme Court of Ceylon took the view that the Bribery Tribunal was not appointed by the Judicial Service Commission in accordance with the provisions of Section 55 of the Ceylon Constitution Order in Council. It was, therefore, not lawfully appointed. It was common ground that the appointment of the Bribery Tribunal was not in accordance with Section 55 of the Ceylon Constitution Order in Council, 1946. Section 55 vested in the Judicial Service Commissioner the appointment, dismissal and disciplinary control of Judicial Officers, viz., Judges of lesser rank. The removal of Judges of the Supreme Court could be by the Governor General on an address of the Senate and the House of Representatives.
850. Section 29 of the Ceylon (Constitution) Order in Council provided in Sub-sections (1), (2), (3) and (4) as follows:
29(1) Subject to the provisions of this Order, Parliament shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Island. (2) No such law shall-(a) prohibit or restrict the free exercise of any religion;
(3) Any law made in contravention of Sub-section (2) of this section shall, to the extent of such contravention, be void.
(4) In the exercise of its powers under this section Parliament may amend or repeal any of the provisions of this Order, or of any other Order of Her Majesty in Council in its application to the Island:
Provided that no Bill for the amendment or repeal of any of the provisions of this Order shall be presented for the Royal Assent unless it has endorsed on it a certificate under the hand of the Speaker that the number of votes cast in favour thereof in the House of Representatives amounted to not less than two-thirds of the whole number of Members of the House (including those not present).
Every certificate of the Speaker under this sub-section shall be conclusive for all purposes and shall not be questioned in any court of law.
851. The Judicial Committee found that there was a conflict between Section 55 of the Ceylon Constitution Order and Section 41 of the Bribery Amendment Act. The Privy Council found that Section 29(4) of the order was attracted but the requirements of Section 29(4) had not been complied with and, therefore, the appointment of the Bribery Tribunal was invalid. The certificate of the Speaker under the proviso to Section 29(4) of the Ceylon Constitution Order was an essential part of the legislative process. There was no such certificate in the case of the legislation under which the appointment of the impugned Tribunal was made. The Judicial Committee said that a legislature has no power to ignore the conditions of law making that are imposed by the regulating instrument. This restriction exists independently of the question whether the legislature is sovereign as the legislature of Ceylon or whether the Constitution is uncontrolled as happened in McCawley case with regard to the Constitution of Queensland.
852. The Judicial Committee said "A Constitution can, indeed, be altered or amended by the legislature, if the regulating instrument so provides and if the terms of those provisions are complied with; and the alteration or amendment may include the change or abolition of these provisions. But the proposition which is not acceptable is that a legislature, once established, has some inherent power derived from the mere fact of its establishment to make a valid law by the resolution of a bare majority which its own constituent instrument has said shall not be valid law unless made by a different type of majority or by a different legislative process".
853. It was contended that just as the legislature of the Colony of Queensland had power by mere majority vote to pass an Act that was inconsistent with the provisions of the existing Constitution of that Colony as to the tenure of Judicial Office so the legislature of Ceylon had no less a power to depart from the requirements of a section such as Section 55 of the Ceylon Constitution, notwithstanding the wording of Sections 18 and 29(4). Section 18 in effect says that a legislation can be passed by a majority of votes subject to the provisions in Section 29(4) of the Constitution. The Judicial Committee said that in McCawley case the legislature had full power to make laws by a majority except upon one subject that was not in question and the legislation was held to be valid because it was treated as pro tanto an alternation of the Constitution which was neither fundamental in the sense of being beyond change nor so constituted as to require any special process to pass a law upon the topic dealt with. The word "fundamental" in the sense of "being beyond change" refers to express limitations as to power or manner and form of change. These words do not mean as Mr. Palkhivala contended that there are fundamental features of the Constitution which cannot be amended.
854. The legislature purported to pass a law which being in conflict with Section 55 of the Order in Council must be treated if it is to be valid, as an implied alteration of the Constitutional provisions about the appointment of judicial officers. Such alterations could only be made by laws which complied with the special legislative procedure laid down in Section 29(4). The provisions in Section 29(4) were found not to confer on the Ceylon legislature the general power to legislature so as to amend the Constitution by ordinary majority resolution which the Queensland legislature was found to have under Section 2 of the Queensland Constitution Act
855. Ranasinghe case shows that Parliament which by its own Act imposed procedural conditions upon the legislative process is no more limited or non-sovereign than a legislature which has such conditions imposed on it by the Constitutional instrument. A Constitutional instrument which places procedural restraints upon the forms of law making places the legislature under a compulsion to obey them. In McCawley case it was said that the Colonial Legislature with plenary powers could treat the Constitutional document which defined its powers as if it were a Dog Act This proposition as a result of Ranasinghe case is narrowed to the extent that where provisions for procedural special majority are laid down in the Constitutional document they cannot be treated as a provision in the Dog Act might be.
856. These decisions indicate the distinction between procedural and substantive limitations on the legislative process. In Ranasinghe case the issue was one of personal liberty in the sense that the respondent claimed the right not to be imprisoned except by a valid law. No question was raised about the right of religion protected by Sections 29(2) and (3) of the Ceylon Constitution. It was also not the respondent's case there that any provision was unamendable. It would be unusual for the Privy Council to say by way of an obiter dictum that a provision was not amendable contrary to the respondent's submission. Though the Privy Council did not use the words "legislative and constituent" in distinguishing ordinary law from law amending the Constitution, the Privy Council in referring to the Ceylon Constitution instrument showed that the familiar distinction is the basis of the judgment.
857. The Privy Council is dealing with Section 29 took note of the special heading under which Section 29 appears in the Constitution. That special heading is "legislative power and procedure". The opening words of Section 29 are that subject to the provisions of this order Parliament shall have powers to make laws. These are similar to the opening words in Article 245 of our Constitution. Section 18 of the Ceylon Constitution prescribes the ordinary legislative procedure for making laws by a bare majority unless otherwise provided for by the Constitution, which is to be found in Section 29(4) of the Ceylon Constitution. Our Constitution in Article 100 makes an identical provision for ordinary legislative procedure. Section 29(2) confers rights of freedom of religion and Section 29(3) states that no laws shall be made prohibiting or restricting such freedom. Part III of our Constitution contains among other fundamental rights, rights to freedom of religion. Section 29(3) expressly makes laws in contravention of Section 29(2) void to the extent of contravention. Article 13(2) of our Constitution expressly makes law which takes away or abridges fundamental rights void to the extent of the contravention. Section 29(4) of the Ceylon Constitution dealing with the amendment of the Constitution does not expressly make void a law amending the Constitution.
858. It follows from McCawley case and Ranasinghe case that a legislature has no power to ignore the conditions of law making imposed upon it which regulate its power to make law. The Ceylon legislature had no general power to legislate so as to amend its general power by ordinary majority resolution such as Queensland legislature was found to have under Section 2 of the Queensland Constitution. Peace, order and good government in Section 29(1) of the Ceylon Constitution is not the same as amendment contemplated in Section 29(4) of the Ceylon Constitution. In Ranasinghe case the Judicial Committee referred to the social compact. The compact is this. The inhabitants of Ceylon accepted the Ceylon Constitution on the footing that the various rights conferred, liabilities imposed and duties prescribed under the law cannot be altered in the ordinary course of legislation by a bare majority. But if all these were to be changed then such a change could only be made under the strongest safeguard of the amending process which in the case of Ceylon was not less than two-third of the absolute membership. These rights are the solemn compact. These valuable rights are conferred on the people. Under ordinary law by ordinary majority they cannot be taken away.
859. The absence of an express provision in Section 29(4) of the Ceylon Constitution that an amendment of the Constitution in contravention of the terms of that sub-section shall be void need not support the conclusion that such an amendment was valid. Section 29(1) of the Ceylon Constitution is expressed to be "subject to the provisions of this Order" and any power under Section 29(4) is expressly subject to the proviso there. The Privy Council held that the opening words of Section 29 introduced into the Constitution of Ceylon the necessarily implied doctrine of ultra vires. The proposition will apply directly to the same opening words of our Article 245. The Privy Council accepted the distinction made in McCawlay case between controlled and uncontrolled Constitutions by emphasising the observation in McCawley case with reference to Section 9 of the Queensland Constitution. The description of Section 29(2) of the Ceylon Constitution as an entrenched provision means that it can be amended but only by special procedure in Section 29(4). That is the meaning of the word "entrenched". This meaning alone is consistent with the clear language of the amending power and also with the decision. Section 29(4) does not limit the sovereignty of the Ceylon legislature because the legislature can always pass the amendment after getting two-thirds majority and the certificate.
860. Counsel for the respondent in Ranasinghe case stated that there was no limitation except the procedure and even that limitation could be removed by amendment complying with Sub-section (4). The Privy Council affirmed that position. There is nothing to prevent by appropriate amendment a deletion of Section 29(4) of the Ceylon Constitution which would then empower Parliament to achieve the power to amend by an ordinary majority. Section 29(1) is not legislative power alone but a composite power when read along with Section 29(4) in the context of the Ceylon Constitution. It includes both legislative and constituent power. Sub-sections (2) and (3) of Section 29 are not the grant of power but limitation on power. Its terms show that limitation is at any rate on the legislative power of enacting laws contrary to Sub-sections (2) and (3) of Section 29. If Section 29(1) is a composite legislative and constituent power and Sub-section (2) and (3) are a restraint on legislative power the constituent power under Sub-section (4) remains unaffected. The sequiter is that Section 29(4) is consistent only with the view that so far as amendment of Sub-sections (2) and (3) is concerned amendment is permited and there is no limitation on constituent power under Section 29(4). The Privy Council took the widest view of the amending power. In fact the narrower view was not argued.
Supreme Court Judgments & case laws in India → Kesavananda Bharati vs State Of Kerala And ors → Kesavananda Bharati vs State Of Kerala And ors
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